Because the parties did not aggregate interests, many strong interest groups financed candidates for office who were friendly to their interest in the National Congress, State Assemblies, and the agricultural Institutes whose principal task was to obtain 2 subsidies and protection for these groups.
Even when the governmental machinery was weak, the state pursued an "interventionist" or mercantilist tradi- tion in economic matters, uninhibited by laissez faire dogma. FundacSo Getiilio Vargas, Rowe's words, "the characteristic tendency of private interests in Brazil has not been to resist the state but to seek its favors. These accommodations, accomplished without political parties or the free social process involving autonomous interest groups, depended on the state's role, not as a mere arbiter, but as an active participant in the affairs of each class.
Paternalism was ingeniously transplanted from the countryside to urban, middle- class, and industrial activities. The swelling ranks of urban labor were presented with a ready-made union organization, copied from Italian Corporate State legislation of which was created and controlled by the Ministry of Labor. Organiza- tionally weak but financially powerful by virtue of a mandatory union tax levied on all workers, the unions did not serve as col- lective bargaining agents but as social welfare agencies, brokers in the patron-client relationship established between government and worker.
Columbia University Press, , notes the population of Minas Velhas, in Bahia, looked upon the Federal or State governments as a "Boss of super proportions" whose task is "to give a push for progress" 0. Governo tern que dar impulse rather than local government assisting local agriculture and industry, health, and education. Rowe, "The 'Revolution' and the 'System,'" Part 11, pp. Key features of the "system" remained intact. It provided not only a code of working conditions similar to that found in industrializing countries eight-hour day, minimum wage.
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In order to gain support for his Brasilia project, Kubitschek coddled industry in the South and of- fered a new development agency, SUDENE, to the Northeast, originally viewed by many politicians and observers as little more than a vast new gravy train of public works for private individuals to supplement the contruction projects of DNOCS. There was much talk and some legislation and presiden- tial decrees, yet the problems inherited from previous regimes — in- flation, wage demands, agrarian pressures, commitments assumed under the Alliance for Progress and trade def ici ts--were greater than before.
The "system" came under serious and sustained pressure both from internal contradictions and external attack by various groups. On the left especially, several radical student movements, Castro supporters, the PCB and PC do B factions of the Communist Party, and independent nationalist revolutionaries altered their subordinate relationships with Goulart 's Brazilian Labor Party PTB which had been part of the "system.
At the same time, various radical and moderate reformist peasant groups began to act independently of Goulart and the "system. The Traditional Politics of the Rural Municipio Locally the muni ci pio corresponds to the county in the United States but, unlike the county in the United States, the Brazilian county seat sede and other cities within a munici pio , have no separate corporate existence.
Political life, prior to the assump- tion of power by Vargas in , was based on a series of alliances and conflicts between big landowners, each with his following of peasants, laborers, and cowboys who frequently voted irrespective of ideology, programs, or laws restricting the voting to those who could read and write.
Occasionally, a few families came to dominate a State so thoroughly that their influence lingers on today. Relations between the government and the local political boss chefe pol i tico were based on compromise. If the boss supported the Smith. A change in the status quo most frequently came if other land- owner-bosses were linked to the dominant state or national government coalitions or if groups of peasants and laborers gathered around charismatic leaders such as Antonio Conselheiro of Os Sertges fame or Padre Cicero of southern Cear6 who promised and delivered better- ment of their lot.
If the latter groups reached a certain size, set- tled somewhere and cultivated the land, they sometimes became a nuisance to the landowners in the region because they not only made potential labor scarce but because they also withdrew it from their former em- ployers, in this case, landowners or bosses would attempt to influence the state or federal government to disperse or liquidate these groups. Therefore it was important to be on good terms with the dominant bosses of a region or a state if one's own power position was threatened by competing landowners or aspiring landowner-bosses.
Padre Cicero, un- like Antonio Conselheiro, was never molested by government troops because he already had intimate personal connections with the govern- ment of the state and because he was a very powerful local boss and Euclides da Cunha, Rebellion in the Backlands, trans. Access to one or more key points of decision in the government. And even though David Easton indicates that systems theory as- sumes that "the producers of outputs are unified and undifferentiated," he recognizes the possibility that a federal system or one with "plural authorities" increase "significantly the probability of hetero- geneity of outputs.
John Wiley and Sons, , pp. Easton indicated that demands "may move from and through one of these subsystems to another, depending on the demand's particular career," although he does not define what he meant by 52 The federal structure of Brazil offers many opportunities for contestants in economic and political conflict to realize their goals even though the formal structure has changed several times in the last thirty-five years. Losers in a political conflict fought on one level are not content to accept negative decisions if there is a pos- sibility of becoming winners or of losing less by expanding a conflict to a higher level of government.
Winners make every effort to localize a conflict at a level where their advantage is maximized, even though they may continue to be winners as the conflict expands, i. Where one chooses to articulate interests and make demands in a hierarchy of governmental authority can make a dif- ference in the outcome of a conflict. Masotti, "Intergovernmental Relations and the Social- ization of Conflict: Rural si ndicato leaders are unable to mobilize as many factors of power such as attitudes, violence, bureaucratic expertise, time, and money, as landowners.
Therefore they have tended to seek outside help from the DRT or President of the Republic much more frequently than the landowners or sugar industrialists who make efforts to maintain the existing favorable power ration. There is nothing inherently good or bad about the particular level at which a conflict is fought or resolved: Interest Group Activities and Administrative Decision-Making Pressure groups have multiple formal access points to admin- istrative agencies plus innumerable informal access points through 3 kinship, panel inha.
Landowner pressure groups 'For a discussion of the process and forms of conflict resolu- tion or accommodation, see Joseph S, Vandiver, "Accommodation, As- similation, and Acculturation," in Rural Sociology , Alvin L. McGraw-Hill, , pp. A preferred method of pressure groups is to place their members on the work groups that develop proposed legislation projetos de leis. With a shortage of qualified people knowledgeable in the subject matter, access to these working groups is not difficult for interest groups with technical knowledge.
Later, they attempt to place members or family relatives in the key power centers within an agency, especially around the Minister or President of an Institute. If at all possible, the pressure groups direct themselves to the Minister for it is he who is the chief "signal caller" for the major plays or policies of an agency. Reasons for this are two-fold: Brazilian bureaucrats are by tradition reluctant to accept responsibility, and, 2.
The policies of the Minister of Institute President control the promotional and career patterns of the civil servant within an agency. Access is facili- tated if the political views of the group and the minister are similar. In the more traditional areas of the country, pressure is also brought upon a minister or one of his subordinates by a demonstration passeata.
The Congressional friends of an agency are cultivated over a period of time, beginning with some form of informal social contact if no kinship or panel inha links are available. Once a friendship is started, through the years it is solidified, reinforced, and enlarged as an agency performs sundry types of favors for a Congressman and vice versa including Congressional help for administrators in dif- f iculty.
The Ministry of Labor and Labor Disputes Labor -management disputes have been the responsibility of the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare created by Vargas as his first act in office on November 23, The Ministry is organized into a series of departments which deal with the legal and technical aspects 'siume, op. It is among the largest of the fourteen ministries because of its control over the Social Welfare funds created by the Vargas regime. Although probably not created as a presiden- tial agency for the settling of political disputes as opposed to labor disputes, it also has come to perform this function, and to become a desirable prize because of the numerous patronage possibilities for 2 members of the coalitions supporting a winning President.
The Regional Delegates operate in a changing political framework and have to be attuned to the dominant political configurations of a given moment. Although a labor movement has existed for many years, collective bargaining has not been institutionalized in Brazil as it has in the United States or even in Peru. The Regional Delegates, or DRT's, in theory function to promote harmonious worker-management relations but in practice their activities in the rural sector have developed only since the organization of rural s indicates in the 's. The Ministry and the DRT's prefer to avoid as much direct responsibility as possible not only because of the political feedback which could Anuario Estat"!
For a comparison, see Payne, Labor and Politics in Peru , pp. This gives the Minister or his DRT considerable power in regulating s i ndi cato pol icies and leadership composition.
Although the Ministry's role is highly political, most DRT's and upper echelon Labor Ministry officials like to maintain a fiction that objective criteria and not political criteria are the bases for decisions in an agricultural or industrial conflict. If a dispute involves wage demands, officials present their decisions as based on a rise in the cost of living over a recent period of time and the "real needs" of the workers.
However, since not all workers receive the benefits of these decisions or their enforcement, this reasoning is flimsy indeed. Alexander, Organized Labor in Latin America , p.. These two needs gave rise to the current of immigration of the last one hundred years. Although Vargas excluded rural workers and small family farmers from most Estado Novo legislation under a bargain with large landowner leaders, certain CLT provisions are expressly applicable to rural workers: See also Robert E.
In fact, even in 1 , most migratory farm laborers are not covered by the provisions of minimum wage or social security legislation. They sent a memorandum on the matter to the National Security Council stating among other things 'that apart from political reasons there is nothing to justify rural syndicalism'. Goulart was appointed in June, Both he and War Minister Santo Cardoso resigned after manifestations of dissent from middle- level officers and university graduates especially who felt their status threatened by Goulart 's wage proposals.
Some officers also felt Goulart was making preparations to stage a coup which would continue 60 Nevertheless, a few groups of small farmers and rural laborers managed to gain recognition over the next decade. The biggest advance came with the Rural Worker Statute or ETR of The Rural Worker Statute of March 2, On March 2, , Congress passed Law 4,, the first legisla- tion specifically applicable to peasants, which some persons called the Ferrari Law after the Gaucho Deputy who had pressed many years 2 for legislation to benefit rural laborers and small farmers.
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Its content and structure resemble the CLT and other urban worker legisla- tion but it specifically provided rural laborers, sharecroppers, and tenants with the following: Weekly rest period paid Sundays which was not applicable, however, to sharecroppers Article k2. Paid vacations Articles Advance notice of dismissal and compensation based on the period of time worked Articles , 4.
Individual Work Contracts were formalized in a work book Carteira Professional Rural which would register wages Vargas in office under a type of regime similar to that of Juan Per6n in Argentina. In , Belmonte, Bahia; in , Barreiros, Pernambuco; and in a joint sindicato of small cacao farmers in ilheus and Ita- buna, Bahia. See Price, "Rural Unionization in Brazil," p. Departa- mento de Promo9ao e Organizacio Rural, September 1, Articles 2, , The CLT and ETR could have played an important role in improving peasant working and living conditions but their corporate state founda- tion, which presumes an economic system only of employers and employees, emphasizes wages, omits land tenure questions, and fails to include the large number of small independent family proprietors, tenants, and sharecroppers who control a small plot of land.
In this respect, the CLT and ETR helped a further "proletar izat i on of rural labor" and demonstrates a satisfaction with existing patterns of land distribution. Given the nature of the administrative and political structures of Brazil, it is also necessary in the next chapter to examine the principal landowner organizations and the non-agricultural forces against which peasant groups had to contend. The SRB and CRB have played an important role in determining agricultural policy, especially in the selection of high officials for the Ministry of Agriculture, and state Secretaries of Agriculture in S'ao Paulo, Minas Gerais, Parana, and probably several other states.
Briefly put, there is a close clientele relationship between the administrative agencies of the government and these two interest groups. In effect they are the natural expression and representatives of the Alexander, Labor Relations in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile , p. In the past years there have 2 been more than The most important non-agricultural forces affecting agricultural and peasant policy in the past fifteen years has been the Brazilian Communist and Socialist parties, several university and secondary school 1 La Palombara, Italian Interest Groups in Italian Politics , pp.
Nevertheless, since April 1, , there have been five Ministers in the period of three years: Each of these will be briefly discussed. The magazine carries notices of SRB meetings, declarations of policy, and statements or descriptions of groups friendly to the SRB or its policies, specialized sections on 2 agricultural and livestock development, and a women's section.
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The SRB, like many American pressure groups, publishes the votes of Federal Senators and Deputies on contemporary legislation — ad- ding the following paragraph, for example, to the names of those voting against a Constitutional Amendment providing for compensa- tion in bonds and not cash for expropriated land in conjunction with the Estatuto da Terra or Land Statute of The Senhores Parlamentarians who voted against the amendment, on the first reading or discussion , demonstrated absolute attitudes of coherence, and.
Presidente da Republica A. The legislation initially aimed at improving rural life through improved agricultural extension services and investment of capital and other resources by state and municipio governments in rural areas. Because Rural Asso- ciations were not created in most of the country, the original intent of these laws was never fulfilled.
Joao Cleofas, a Pernam- buco sugar mill owner and politician named Minister of Agriculture in , helped organize over new Rural Associations and Federations in a majority of the states through the use of federal subsidies to pay portions of the salaries of Association or Federation officials or to purchase agricultural implements, insecticides, and fertilizers for re-sale at cost plus a small markup. Senators, and Federal and State deputies.
For example, all but two of nine Rural Associations visited in Rio Grande do Sul 5 , Sao Paulo 1 , Pernambuco 2 , and Rio Grande do Norte l , were nothing more than business establishments selling implements, insecticide, seed, fertilizer and other goods at slightly lower prices than nearby private commercial firms. In several other munici pios , the Associations visited were little more than paper organizations or instruments used to mobilize votes for a munici pio political boss. There are three reasons for the low number of organized rural groups. First, there is the apathy of many landowners who fail to perceive that a voluntary functional group may be a useful means to defend or advance their own individual interest.
Finally, many landowners are aware of the lack of a sense of public- mindedness or group mindedness by association leaders who use their Table shows 4, members in the Rural Association of Gua- nabara in Considering the fact that Guanabara has little or no farm land outside greater Rio de Janeiro, one can only conclude that many of these members must be absentee landowners from other states whose association membership was held in the then capital city. A decision not to join, therefore, may be quite rational. The various state Rural Federations are paralleled by civil groups which do not come under direct government control or influence.
These societies join the Federations in pyramiding re- sources and influence on governors, legislators, the President, and administrative agencies on issues of subsidies, agrarian reform legislation, differential rates of foreign exchange for agricultural exports, and the nomination of technicians or officials for federal i and state agricultural positions. The large landowners then have had various means to influence government decision-makers. In the past, they also had the support, of the Roman Catholic Church in upholding a neo-feudal i st i c concept of a two-class society.
Paulo , January 19, , p. Nearly landowners of Louveira at the Ninth Grape Festival issued a manifesto asking Brazilian agrarian legislation to conform to principles of a book Reforma Agraria, Questao d e Co nsciencia and the "Declaration of Morro Alto," while seeking a fundamental cRange of the Land Statute promulgated by the Castelo Branco government in November, The list of signers was headed by Luiz Emmanuel Bianchi, President of the FARESP who also "applauded the attitudes of the Brazilian Society for Defense of Traditions, Family, and Property" and called on Brazil- ian to "use the means which the Constitution confer to limit the dis- astrous effects of the Land Statute and to prepare conditions of a fundamental reform of the law.
Sheed and Ward, , esp. Many rural areas are without a priest. Rural parishes are larger in terms of population and geographic size than the city or national average. For example, in , the number of inhabitants per rural parish was 14,, while it was 11, in city parishes. Moreover, with the exception of the South, almost all of the The priest-landowner-politician such as Padre Cicero, Houtart and Pin, op. In comparison, the Rural Sindicato dominated by the Communists had three also for its work.
One of his first tasks, therefore, was to organize a campaign to "motorize the clergy," that is, to buy jeeps and other, vehicles so that they could attend to their religious and other duties. Frequently in mid, this writer observed priests being car- ried by a Senhor do Engenho to mass on an Engenho or Usina in Pernambuco.
Sermons from the pulpit of opposition to a candidate or a policy do occur and make 2 an impact. The Church is one of the few institutions in Brazil which has a network of representatives throughout the country. It is also the only institution which penetrates other key sectors of the population such the importance of Padre Cicero in bringing together the Pernambuco Corone'is to sign the Pact of Cariri of by which they agreed to stop invading one another's redoubts of control. The Padre would not have been able to act politically there if he did not have relatives who were also landowners.
In the 's, one could find priests in several State Assemblies, the Federal Chamber of Deputies, and Senate, and in the leadership of various state parties. Largely a confessional organization which conducted catechism classes and sponsored consumer and credit cooperatives among urban workers, the Circles were later organized in other states. Early in the 's, the CNCO began organizing trade union leader- ship classes as well as rural s i ndi catos.
Confedera93o Nacional de Operarios Cato- licos, , pp. Skidmore, Pol itics in Brazi 1. Oxford University Press, 1 , pp. Like Catholic groups in other Latin American countries, it was a hearty consumer of European ideas and practices, especially in the universities which imported, adapted, and propagated many of the ideas of Jacques Mauritain, and Fathers L.
Lebret , Emmanuel Mounier, and Taeilhard de Chardim. Josephat was also associated with an Agrarian Front of which little is known. Suicide or Survival of the Western Wor Id? Yves Lacosta, Os Paises Subdesenvo! Editors Uni versi taria, I , which was the subject of much controversy. According Ih addition, a liberal French Dominican, Friar Cardonnel , was very well received by many student audiences while lecturing for eight months in Brazil in I96I.
The general trend was toward Mounier's acceptance of collaboration with all political currents, including communism, in order to affect social justice. Another extreme left-wing priest. Padre Francisco Laje Pessoa, often appeared on the platform with Juliio before peasant groups. He attacked equally liberal capitalism, neo-capi tal i sm, and communism as proposed solu- tions for Brazil's problems. Traditional conservative elements within the Church did not remain silent.
Catholics are not able to receive land eventually expropriated by public powers without grave transgression of Christian morality. And if they accept this land, they will be in the moral condition of persons receiving stolen goods and not able to receive the Sacraments of Confession and of the Eucharist or the Sacrament of the Sick without resolving to restore the [stolen] goods to their legitimate owners. Edit6ra Vera Cruz, 1 96O. University and Secondary Student Groups Secondary and university students have been important pressure groups because of the relatively small size of the trained elite which has governed the country in the past.
Student leaders often asserted to this writer that the national student movement has exercised "a decisive influence on national politics" and cite incidents ranging from independence in to their role in popular protests against President Goulart's proposed state of siege of October, I Not all students are political activists but the O per cent who have an interest in political questions frequently articulate positions for the rest who are apolitical or apathetic. One often finds some of the most well-informed and militant individuals among these students and their professors.
Student groups, especially those affiliated with the Catholic Left and the National Student Union UNE often were far more in- fluenced by politicians and government officials than these politicians For general works on University students in politics, see John P. Nevertheless, many students and their organizations were especially important in the 's because they advocated reform and revolution.
Universidade do Brasil, Faculdade do Filosofia, , cited by Therry, op. Instrumento de Subversao Rio de Janeiro: When the Dean of the Law School banned the meeting, riots ensued, and troops were sent in to restore order. Law students at the University of Sao Paulo, 2, miles further south, supported their colleagues at Recife by breaking street lights and dumping garbage cans. Schmitt and David D. Praeger, 1 , p. UNE officers were also active on the editorial staffs of numerous periodicals and published a weekly newspaper, Movimento in Rio de Janei ro. The activist students of the left in the late 's and early 's believed that the techniques for development of Brazil existed but that the political parties and government refused to implement the corrective measures suggested by the analyses of what was "wrong" in the social and economic structure.
In Timothy Harding's words, students felt they were "the brains of the masses" and this entitled them to "make a revolution for the rest of the population. Galan felt FMP strength was "still limited at present.
Important to all the student or youth groups of a reformist or radical nature was a vague concept, conscient i zac3o which was defined by different groups in a variety of ways ranging from a rational and planned pol i t i cizat ion of the rural or urban masses to others who used it in the sense of a "planned revolution of rising expectations. Three outside Marxist groups also sought to capture the student groups: Since April, , this structure was changed in an attempt by the Castelo Branco government to reduce student political activity.
It is difficult to determine whether the revised structure brought about by the Lei Suplicy named after Education Minister Suplicy La- cerda will have lasting effects or be modified by the Costa e Silva regime. Victor Rico Galan, op. One of these students, an economist named Eduardo de Carvalho, said "a majority of Brazilian students really want a 'third solution,' not capitalism or communism There are not just two systems. Somehow, we should find a way of combining both and creating a new economic system. David McKay, , pp.
In reality, however, JUC at one time was a central factor in university politics. The united front or Grupsfo.
IO6-IO7, and Marcus, op. The Frente had various religious brothers, sisters, laymen lawyers, and university students working in factories and the countryside. Two of its publications are D. Edit6ra Preludio , Ltda. Fondo de Cultura, I and "Brazil: What Kind of a Revolution? JDC claimed 10, members in I AP spokesmen explained that this alliance was necessary if the "progressive forces" were to marshal! Some spokesmen described the alliance as "only an ephemeral and tactical pact of convenience" and affirmed their awareness that the Communist Party had its own interests in such an alliance; they further affirmed their plan to sever the united front at an opportune moment, "either shortly before or after taking power.
The differences 82 AP collaboration with the Communists brought a reaction from the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops in At that time the Bishops directed a letter to Dom Candido Padim, the head of Catholic Action in Brazil and Ecclesiastical Assistant of the JUC organization, calling on Catholic Action to "free itself from the incompatibility of certain ideological currents in vogue among the lay society": In the concrete circumstance in which we live the militants and Catholic organizations should not enter into a united front frente unica with movements which arise from Marxist or liberal capitalist Ideology.
In receiving support [from them] there should be the greatest prudence, in order to avoid serving the infiltration of their purposes and tactics. Regarding random collaboration of persons in transitory circumstances, we will bear in mind the principles of Pacem in Terris. In vital and personal tactical positions, good preparation boa forma9ao and adequate Information on the part of our militants becomes indispensable in order not to compromise on questions of principle on the pretext of conquering power.
After the April Revolution, Catholic Action and Popular Action were drastically re-organized and moderate to conservative elements began working in Pernambuco, Sao Paulo, and other states to offset the influence of left-wing groups in the student movement.
Jornal do Brasi 1 December 28, , quoted by Therry, op. We are young and we believe we can pioneer desbravar our 83 At the present time, the Church remains divided over the utility of collaborating with the Communists, Socialists, and "progressives. In spite of Marxian doctrines, their penetration of organized labor and the working classes was minimal with some exceptions.
Throughout the years the party has been split into several groups and was most affected own roads, without the tutelage of anyone, whomever it might be: Peking, Washington, Moscow, or Paris. Alexander's chapter on Brazil, pp. Editora Civil iza9ao Brasileira, i s a hi story of socialist ideas on Brazilian thought from Its "historic roots" in the Equal itarianum of the Conspiracy of the Tailors Al f aiates in through its first formal discussion by Joaquim Piabuco and Antonio Pe- dro Figueiredo in the late l's to There is no real discus- sion of Marxist or Socialist in the trade union movement or political parties.
For example, "Marxism continues in Brazil as a catalytic agent above all urban, in spite of the tentative efforts of the PC to carry it to the countryside and not withstanding the activities of socialist such as Francisco Juliao" p. Of five federations, they dominate three-industrial workers, bank workers and river, maritime, and air transport workers. By the 's membership dwindled to 6, fol- lowing a court-order ban on Communists running for office. This small group of young people, who formerly belonged to the PTB, the PSB, the PCB, and independent Marxists published several valuable articles on peasant groups and four of its members participated in a romantic venture in Pernambuco in which led to the death of two of them.
Callado, Tempo de Arraes , pp. This view differed greatly from other radical and revolutionary Marxist and Catholics attending the Congress. Francisco Juliao spoke for these persons who felt "the revolutionary process" was "an overall phenomenon [which] uses the different contradictions of Brazilian society to propel itself" into a situation like Cuba "where an ant i -imperi al i st ' Padre or Friar Carlos Josephat appeared at several peasant Congresses to make fiery speeches denouncing the Brazilian agrarian and political structure.
The absence of information about the Agrarian Front's activities probably indicates that Josephat was a much better public speaker than an organizer of groups which needed bureaucratic structure and local leadership to function. In contrast, 53 per cent of the urban public expressed an opinion the Communists would work for the interests of Russia and Communism, while 36 per cent didn't know.
Overall, if there was "a danger zone, it lies with the lower groups in the big cities. These two elements act as inter-dependent forces. And once in office as Governors, Federal Deputies, or State Deputies, PSB members or PSB-supported officials were never responsible for any significant social welfare or other legislation nor for enforcement of existing ' Ibid. Antonio Callado, Os Industrials da Seca , p. See Vilaga and Albuquerque, Coronel. See Fortes, "Contr i bui cao a Historia politica de Sergipe," p.
Summary Of the various pressure groups active in rural areas in the 's and 's, it can be seen that the large landowners had greater unity and better organization than any of the other groups. The reader may thus have a greater appreciation of the obstacles facing anyone or any group which wished to organize a peasant pressure group. XVI March, , p. However, in the late 's, interest in agrarian reform was aroused by the activities of Francisco Juliao and the Peasant Leagues.
But because the organization was dependent on Juliao's personal leadership and did not develop any other leaders — except in ParaTba — viho could assume responsibility, Juliao lost control of the movement he unleashed. Instituto Brasileiro de Acao Democrat ica, 1 96I , pp, xii-xiii, discusses the history of agrarian reform proposals in Brazil. They are fascinated by the people but are fearful and suspicious of them. There was nothing particularly unique in his rapid rise to promi nence--ther well knov;n Brazilian politicians such as Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira, Janio Q.
Juliao was a member of a landowning family with at least two medium-sized properties in the Municipio of Bom Jardim as a source of income, vjho differed little from other well-known landovming and "contagiousness" of conflict as a determinant of who gets involved and who makes decisions in politics, see E. Schadtschnei der , The Semi -Soverei gn People , pp.
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Dutton, , p. Jul iao apparently was no different than the above men in at- tempting to buy votes with gifts of shoes, shirts, beer, rum cachaca and using trucks and automobiles to transport rural voters to town at election time. David McKay Company, , pp.
He reads papers and knows what is going on in Russia and Cuba. But 1 am sure it doesn't bother him if a North American newspaperman pays a visit and rushes away labelling him a 'Communist. Free, Some International Implications of the Political 92 figures to transform himself from a typical politician with a limited 1 2 peasant following responding to traditional appeals and techniques Psychology of Brazilians , pp.
The use of the Castro image thus may have had a negative effect among the rural masses as well as large landowners although it probably pleased many leftist nationalists. Juliao's vote-gathering ability is listed below: The NET television program, "Brazil, The Troubled Land" I is one of several television documentaries which also showed the troubadors participating in Liga meetings. Nevertheless, this writer seriously doubts that the songs and verses of the troubadors increased the political activism of Northeast peasants although the songs may have increased the number of peasants seeking favors from Jul iao and the Ligas.
However, the author seriously doubts that his presence had much impact on local political activity although It may have contributed something to political folk-lore just as the songs of Joan Baez, Pete Seeger, or the cartoon strips "Little Orphan Annie," "Li'l Abner," and "Dick Tracy. Alexa Actionable Analytics for the Web. AmazonGlobal Ship Orders Internationally.
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He spent time with U. Bush on July 22 and July 23, , even playing tennis with him. Biography Born in Guayaquil, Palacio is a physician by profession, specializing in cardiology. Louis, Missouri, in the United States. He later lectured in cardiology and public health at the University of Guayaquil's faculty of medicine.
It was a common sight during the campaign Carlos Melgar born 4 November is a Bolivian footballer who play for C. A 13th member is often a harp, an extra violin, or an extra guitar. Enrique de Santiago m Retrieved 18 December Biri or BIRI may refer to: Biri, an enemy creature in The Legend of Zelda Biri, another name for Beedi, a South Asian leaf-wrapped cigarette Brain Injury Research Institute, a center for the study of traumatic brain injuries and prevention It was said that the fight would be a non-title 10 round fight.
Personal life Vargas currently resides in Toronto, Ontario. Triana is a neighbourhood of Seville. Plot The movie takes place in Seville in Carmen, a gypsy woman, intends to enter the barracks to give Antonio Vargas Heredia some tobacco. In return Carmen offers the soldier the carnation in her hair. The men's flyweight boxing competition at the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro was held from 13 to 21 August at the Riocentro.
Competition format Like all Olympic boxing events, the competition was a straight single-elimination tournament. The competition began with a preliminary round on 13 August, where the number of competitors was reduced to 16, and concluded with the final on 21 August. As there were fewer than 32 boxers in the competition, a number of boxers received a bye through the preliminary round. Both semi-final losers were awarded bronze medals. Date Time Round Saturday, 13 August Yosimar Reyes born September 22, is a queer undocumented immigrant, poet and activist. Reyes has been described as "a voice that shines light on the issues affecting queer immigrants in the U.
Christopher John Weitz born November 30, is an American film director, screenwriter, and producer. He is best known for his work with his brother Paul Weitz on the comedy films American Pie and About a Boy; the latter earned the brothers a nomination for the Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay. Alida Garcia is an American social activist whose major work is centered on immigration issues. Some main goals of the initiative are to provide immigration reform, enhance the education system and invest in the sciences. Jose Antonio Vargas topic Jose Antonio Vargas born February 3, is a journalist, filmmaker, and immigration rights activist.
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