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Forza senza legittimità. Il vicolo cieco dei partiti : Piero Ignazi :

In addition to that, between December and March youth unemployment has climbed from Pretty much like in the other P. A crisis which had started in the early s, it evolved throughout the s, and reached the climax with the outburst of the economic crisis. Despite the academic awareness that times of economic and social turmoil are often accompanied by the emergence and growth of radical political organizations, the study of contemporary extreme-right organizations at times of crisis remains rather underdeveloped. Very little attention, however, has been dedicated to how the various social organizations populating the contemporary radical right area are responding to the needs and social demands that are generated by the ongoing financial crisis.

What ideological and rhetorical apparatuses are mobilized in order to provide a neo-fascist interpretation of the crisis? What type of anti-capitalism is proposed by radical right actors and movements? What repertoires of action are mobilized in order to build consensus under these circumstances? Moreover, while studies on political parties of the radical right are becoming more and more elaborated and diffused, very little research has focused on groups that remain outside the spectrum of official politics.

In what follows, we shall try to fill this gap, being convinced that it is in the dialectic between national political projects and transnational politics that the most innovative forms of organization and the most original reformulations of traditional ideologies take place.

Political change and the economic crisis in Europe

More in detail, the present paper focuses on the case of CasaPound Italia , founded in December and one of the most visible organizations of the Italian radical right area. The aim of this paper is to trace the political and ideological roots of the group and of its militants, while focusing on the central question of how the ideas and practices of the group are formulated at the time of the financial crisis.

We shall illustrate that the international crisis facilitates the public visibility and development of movements like CasaPound, because it provides new impetus to their social interpretation of reality, and enables and legitimates their selective reconstruction of fascist ideology and history.

In order to achieve this goal, the remainder of the present paper is structured as follows. We first introduce the broader framework of this research, focusing on the relationship between fascism and international economic crises. Then, we describe the case-study, and the sources and methods of this research. Subsequently, we analyze how CasaPound interprets the ongoing crisis and how this discourse is translated into political repertoires of action.

In conclusion, we discuss the findings of our ethnographic experience within CasaPound and we highlight the promising avenues for research dealing with neo-fascist groups and movements in times of crisis. Hence, this section cannot be considered a literature review about fascism and the crisis, but rather as an attempt to contextualize CasaPound within the broad political family of fascism and neo-fascism, whose roots and nature are still strongly discussed among scholars.

To facilitate the understanding of a complex and long lasting debate, we may distinguish for analytical reasons between two main historiography tendencies. On the one hand, studies from the Marxist school, claiming that fascism originated primarily from the crisis of the economic system of the early century. Concerning the first approach, Italian historiography 17 underlined the critique of capitalism developed within Italian Fascism. In addition to that, Marxist historiography built the idea of the economic roots of fascism upon the interpretation of the relationship between fascism first as a movement, and then as a regime 18 and the Italian industrial system.

Rather, in his view the fascist movement developed into a reactionary one when it chose to stand against the working class organizations. Starting from the s, there has been a general agreement in believing that fascism emerged from the grievances of the petite-bourgeoisie or lower middle classes. Focusing on the political origins of Fascism, other historians insist on the effects of the Biennio Rosso [Two red years, ] in particular the insurgency of the working-classes. Its way of looking at the crisis, in fact, recalls not only the critique towards the distortions of the capitalist market oriented system, but it also builds upon the crisis of the Italian party system, the corruption of the Italian establishment, and the lack of representation of the sectors of the population who suffer the crisis the most.

Accordingly, we shall look here at the strategic selection of ideas that CasaPound pushes forward with respect to the experience of Italian and European neo-fascism, and discuss which notions are kept and used in order to build its political identity. In particular, we shall highlight three major concepts that connect CasaPound to three different tendencies of neo-fascism: In this understanding, politics are expected to have a predominant position towards economy and the state has to centralize all economic activities for the sake and the wealth of the nation.

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Similarly, as we shall see later on, CasaPound calls for a stronger state to protect the citizens from the dictatorship of the banks and the international financial system, and it pushes forward a social agenda taking direct inspiration from the social doctrine developed within the Italian Social Republic. If the link with the Destra Sociale is claimed by CasaPound itself, the connection with Ordine Nuovo is far more complex. Over the last decades, many among its militants have been accused of terrorist activities, for which it is very difficult for CasaPound to show open support for this tradition.

Finally, CasaPound inspires parts of its ideology from the experience and practice of the Nouvelle Droite of Alain de Benoist. Following the cultural wave of the protest movement started in May in Paris, 34 these intellectuals tried to renovate the right-wing adding to it themes and issues such as federalism and ecology, but also an ethnic-identitarian vision, communitarism, anti-imperialism and Europeanism. We shall now introduce in detail the case of CasaPound Italia, as a paradigmatic example of a group that benefits from the interrelations between, on the one hand, worsening socio-economic conditions and progressive deterioration of the representative institutions of liberal democracies, 36 and on the other hand, the reinterpretation of a mix between the fascist and neo-fascist ideology.

Our choice for the case of the Italian organization CasaPound has to do with the way the group describes itself: This is confirmed by its preferred modes of activism, which includes organizing protests, demonstrative and expressive actions, unauthorized marches and riots, rather than only formal political engagement.

At the rhetorical level, the group has always claimed its difference from traditional parties, privileging the organization, repertoire and practices of social movements. CasaPound claims its origins in the Italian Fascism. In line with the abovementioned ideological debate, CasaPound conceives its self-styled revolutionary fascism beyond the traditional left-right divides. In the first case, it is obvious the reference to the problems related to housing in Italy and in Rome, as well as to the real-estate bubble in Europe.

Over the past five years, the evictions were over 31, of which 19, for arrearage. In Rome over the past five years, the evictions were 11,, among those 2, have been executed in , with an increase of eighteen per cent compared to The genesis of the movement, however, dates back to , when the future leader of the movement, Gianluca Iannone, founded the rock band ZetaZeroAlfa. Officially, the split took place after the leadership of the party rejected the request of Iannone to organize a party congress. In December , a sympathizer of CasaPound gunned down two Senegalese street vendors and wounded three others before killing himself in Florence.

Currently, CasaPound can count on a few thousands of militants all over Italy. It has fifteen book-shops, twenty pubs, and a web radio Black Flag Radio in twenty-five countries. In terms of electoral support, however, CasaPound did not emerge yet as a relevant competitor in the Italian party system.

Its choice to run for the elections in could not be considered a strong success, at the general level. CasaPound obtained very deceiving electoral results: Its communicative and expressive strategies were very successful in attracting the media attention, so that now basically everyone can associate the group to a certain number of policy proposals, especially the crisis-related ones. In addition to that, the geographical distribution of the vote for CasaPound at the national elections indicates that the group is now the undisputed leader of the radical right in Central Italy.

As an illustration, the reader may retain that in this area CasaPound obtains more votes than both Forza Nuova and Fiamma Tricolore , the two traditional parties that occupy the electoral space of the radical right in Italy. As far as CasaPound is concerned, the sources tend to be scarce compared to other political organizations of the same area. This is mainly due to CasaPound being a recent and numerically limited experience, which did not yet capture the attention of scholars, and which remains very hard to access for fieldwork. The present paper, however, relies on three different types of sources for its analysis, as the authors not only made text analyses of the available material on CasaPound, but were also able to gain access for fieldwork within the spaces and the communities of CasaPound.

Moreover, the differentiated set of sources allows a transversal view of the discursive practices of CasaPound: The bulk of the present research is derived from nineteen in-depth interviews granted to the authors between February and November , and collected in the headquarters of CasaPound across five Italian cities: Florence, Turin, Verona, Rome, and Naples.

More specifically, in each office interviews were conducted with the local secretary, the person in charge of cultural activities, and a varying number of militants. In this sense, the interviews provide a frame of reference for investigating group understanding of external reality and political action.

Forza senza legittimità. Il vicolo cieco dei partiti

This material was then complemented by participant observation at conferences, celebrations, concerts and demonstrations organized by CasaPound, which allowed analyzing how collective emotions are built in the movement, and how they are expressed in the codes of its subcultures. CasaPound was born on the idea of crisis, as the first squat in Rome was supposed to respond to the housing crisis that the city has faced for long time.

Although the claim of the action maintained to a certain extent a racial connotation squats and houses for Italians only , the leaders of CasaPound have argued that the movement was not born on a purely ideological basis, but rather as a result of a social need: The strong state, moreover, would also enable nation states to gain back the sovereignty that they have given up in favor of transnational organizations, in particular the European Union, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank.

The idea of a strong state responsible for the control of the national economy is a clear reference to the ideology of the Fascist National Party, and of the later Italian Social Republic. At the same time, however, CasaPound self-defines as a pro-European organization, unlike many contemporary radical-right movements.

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