For Portuguese as spoken in Brazil, see Brazilian Portuguese phrasebook. Pronunciation guide [ edit ] The pronunciation in Portugal differs significantly from that in Brazil. This leaves us with few of the Sephardic works published in Holland that could be permitted. De Barrios and Vega had many contacts with Spanish and Portuguese officials and noblernen, not only those resident in the Spanish Netherlands. Miguel de Barrios wrote sorne letters and poems to Charles II of Spain, and we know that Pedro II of Portugal rewarded a laudatory work written by the two authors with cruzados.
At the end of the seventeenth century the Spanish or Portuguese public apparently did not care about the Judaic 22 V. Reichenberger, , pp. Columbia UP, , pp. Ohio State University Press,  , p. This could be a indirect knowledge via informants outside of the Iberian Peninsula or the direct knowledge of the books themselves, which implies they were intercepted by the Inquisition.
Their number is very small, giving the impression that they were not very well known to the Holy Office: In the first place, of course, that in spite of the rigour of the Inquisition a number of books were introduced into the country.
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Yerushalmi also mentions the presence of numerous inquisito- rial documents in which forbidden books were found in private libraries, often by sheer accident Secondly, we must try to explain the presence of forbidden books in Royal Libraries and in convent libraries. Did sorne ecc1esiastics have permission to study these books? Did they serve for the establishing of new Indices? When 1 looked at the last Indices 1 could not find the titles of the copies in possession of these libraries. The fact that bibliographers, besides mentioning and commenting the books could tell where to find them, is also intriguing.
Maybe from the end of the 17th century the Inquisition did not feel Judaism as a real threat anymore and therefore was not very alerto This did not imply a sudden tolerance: De Barrios flattered sorne Spanish nobles with his 'cabalistic' ethymologies. Roth, ALife of Manasseh ben Israel. Rabbi, printer and diplomat Philadelphia, , p. If Sephardic literature was imported into the Iberian Peninsula on a larger than individual scale, the Inquisition would have established equally accurate listings.
Those few books mentioned in the Indices reflect, I think, merely incidental discoveries. Still, what dramatic reality must there have been behind them. I wish to thank my teacher Dr. Lechner for his assistance in the preparation and realization of this project. AIso, I would like to thank Dr. Cassutoandalltheotherpersonswhoassisted, guided and inspired me ever sin ce I started with the bibliographical research on the Spanish and Portuguese editions from the Northern Netherlands. The presence of books alone does not determine the success of research in libraries.
I want to express my gratitude tC',: Chr Bibliotheca Hebraea Hamburg, ,4 vols. Lisboa, , pp. Livraria Por- tuense, Imprensa da Universidade, Een bijdrage tot de geschiede- nis der eerste Sephardim in Amsterdam Amsterdam: Bibliographie des impressions espagnoles des Pays- Bas. Seminars 'Ets Haim' in Amsterdam. Bibliographie des impressions espagnoles des Pays- Bas Meridionaux Nieuwkoop: Amsterdam ' StRos XV, 2 , pp.
Instituto 'Miguel de Cervantes', C. Edition Reichenberger, , pp. Een bibliografisch onderzoek naar de publikaties der eerste Sefardim in de Noordelijke Nederlanden, met name in Amsterdam ', Exodo. Portugezen in Amsterdam , ed. De Bataafsche Leeuw, , pp. It excludes such works as multilingual vocabularies and dictionaries f.
Colloquia et dictionariolum 4 linguarum is not included. This includes not only books, but also broadsheets. Those units in which the text is of a minor importance engravings, maps are not included. As starting point 1 consider the first work in Spanish or Portugue- se language printed in the Netherlands.
As 16th century editions are very rare, it is possible that other, earlier, editions will be discovered. Closing our bibliography with works of the hand-press period would exclude these late, but very interesting books in Spanish and Portuguese.
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The descript 1 of each entry contains: Por instan ce in the case of pseudonymes. Ido not consider the quasi-facsimile method of reproducing the titlepage a better garante e for the distinction between different editions: The 'fingerprint'method of comparing the text aboye sorne previously esta- blished signatures as used in the STCN-project, has been the most effective method for the identification of editions.
Although I have followed the ortography of the titlepage, I have used abbreviations in order to shorten and unify references on the relation of various persons to the work. Thus en casa de David Tartas becomes: David de Castro Tartaz. In the Indexes at the end of the bibliography I have unified the different spellings of one name, wherever this was necessary. As the spelling of the first names frequently shows many variations, I have adopted the most frequent spelling.
More details on the method of description can be found in J.
The part which follows contains anonymous works and works written by more than two authors. Headings are arranged in alphabetical order. In the case of Calendars and Prayerbooks, the order within their heading is chronological instead of alphabetical. In the Index of titles, alphabetical order is maintained.
The Bibliography will include the description of copies found in the Netherlands, Madrid, Lisbon, London BL , Paris BN , and, hopefully, also of those present in libraries in Israel and the U nited States; it will always be based on the direct examination of the located copies.
Another desiderandum is the reproduction of the titlepage of every single entry. I would be grateful to receive whatever remarks or suggestions e. Que es, los sacros libros del vieio y nvevo testamento. Amsterdam, pro Lorengo Iacobi, Amsterdam, pro Gillis Ioosten, . Corro by Ioseph Athias. Joseph, Iacob, y Abraham de Salomon Proops, pro and bsr. Amsterdam, pro Imanvuel Benveniste, . Amsterdam, f Menasseh ben Israel, .
Yshak de Cordova, pr. Selomoh Proops, pro and bsr. Corro by David de Elisa Pereyra. David de Elisa Pereyra, . Amsterdam,f, Selomoh Proops, pr. Ishac de Eliau Acohen Belinfante. Amsterdam, pro Viuva de J. Amsterdam, pro Joam Crellius, Am- sterdam, f David Tartas pr. Liturgy, Sp, s. Amsterdam, pro Ymanuel Athias, . JtlO; 10 ff; 20pp Copies: Jt8 ; 8 ff; 16pp Copies: Jt16; 16 ff; pp 32 Copies: Jt5; 5 ff; 10pp Part of: Escogidas de differentes libros. De los mas celebres, einsignes poetas.
Manuel Texera Tartaz, One of the collections of comedias printed in Amsterdam by Sephardic Jews and with a false address. This edition is dedicated to Manuel de Belmonte, which indicates the Amsterdam Sephardi provenance of the edition. It only remains to be asked what portion of these mothers were married and for reasons of poverty, during a time of political and economic turmoil, were forced to abandon their children, or at least to circulate them through the roda so that they could receive help for their support.
Of course, mothers of illegitimate children may also have needed the financial help. We are unsure how to demonstrate such motivations with the data we have at our disposal9. However, it is perhaps useful to point out the marital status of amas who took infants. Prior to , this data was not included on the register of expostos.
However, a register of amas Matricula das Amas in the service of the Viana roda in yields the following distribution: The age and marital status of first amas for , , and generally included on the individual records of abandonment in these. The data in Table 1 also suggest an explanation of the fluctuations in expenditures for expostos, although we are only dealing here with annual entries rather than carry-over children. Whether maintained until age seven or reclaimed by a mother sometime earlier, more abandoned children who entered the roda system in were sustained for longer than those who entered in Table 3 tabulates the age at exit for children who either died or were reclaimed by their mothers for each of the periods analyzed.
While the totals in some of the cells are too small to warrant discussion, the table does tend to indicate that a significant proportion of mothers who abandoned children and later. Nevertheless, the majority reclaimed their children within the first year or soon thereafter. That is, these children may have been abandoned because their mothers were unable to sustain them.
Poor nutrition in times of economic distress may be an explanation for inability to breastfeed and hence abandonment. As soon as these children reached the age of weaning they were retrieved by their natural mothers. Notes attached to abandoned children suggest such motivating factors.
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In addition to indicating whether the child had been baptised or not and if not, what name was preferred - so that they could be identified later? Observers at the time noted the impact of poverty on abandonment, especially on the abandonment of legitimate as opposed to illegitimate chidren Vaz More recently, those who have begun to study the records of foundlings in Portugal have suggested similar interpretations. For example, Matos documents an increase in the number of expostos abandoned at the roda of Esposende between and when hunger was widespread and suggests that the provincial rodas might have differed from those in the larger cities in the sense that the majority of children were abandoned for economic reasons rather than because they were illegitimate.
Of course, and as mentioned earlier, penury rather than shame may equally have led to the delivery of an illegitimate child to the roda. Among the few pieces of correspondence saved for the roda of Viana do Castelo is a letter dated July 1, from the magistrate of the parish of Freixieiro de Soutello to the Administrator of Expostos of Viana do Castelo.
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The magistrate asks the administrator to "succor this newborn who appears to be in the circumstances of Article 3, Number 2 of the regulation for expostos". Public Opinion and the Foundlings Question. The rise in expenditures in the late s and early s as well as the clear increase in the number of abandoned children caused local consternation.
Two factors were at issue. One was the cost of the entire endeavor. Far be it from us to censure the institution of foundling. Apparently, the public had questioned why the total costs had risen when the salaries for wet nurses had declined. He supplied various figures to document in full precisely where the monies had been spent, as well as the fact that the net number a rather crass accounting of admissions against deaths of expostos in to had increased by forty-six rather than eleven as was thought. Parallel to these monetary concerns were ethical and moral concerns. Clearly, and as in other regions of Europe Meyer , there was some feeling that the number of foundlings increased as provisions for their maintenance increased.
As early as the late s, abuses were recognized. Vaz , for example, refers to an increase in the number of intermediaries espreitadeiras - literally, those who watch who, for a fee of 2: In the district of Viana do Castelo, the Vianense August 11, ultimately called for the complete extinction of rodas "because they are, and will always be, the focus of demoralization, the shelter and hiding place for all the vices and miseries of mankind, a permanent obstacle to the natural development of the population and an evident cause of the fragility and disease that characterise expostos".
In another issue, the editors stated bluntly that foundling homes were "establishments that animate immorality and licentiousness" O Vianense September 24, To summarize, the debate in the local press demonstrates diverging opinions about what the enormous sums of money were being used for. Some clearly felt that it was an important system of welfare ; others thought that the funds themselves stimulated immorality. Whether conceived of as an abuse or not, the recognition that at least some natural mothers were abandoning their children at the roda and then taking them or another child back, probably stimulated an eventual.
In fact, the records demonstrate that by the late s the tendency appears to have been to use funds to support the natural mothers of illegitimate children for two and a half years, allowing them to keep their children rather than to abandon them. For example, in March of , a woman named Rosa Correia presented a child of twenty months, baptised illegitimately in the parish of Lanheses in June of The following day, this child was returned to the natural mother and supported until at reis per month.
As early as the late s such a practice of supporting the mothers themselves by giving them the money to purchase milk that might otherwise be supplied by a wet nurse was proposed by Vaz The municipality, he suggested, would gain from this system because the child would not be kept at the public's expense until the age of seven. This system, he thought, would not only combat indifference by persuading a mother to keep the child for at least a week, but also the shame "that is in some cases the cause of abandonment" In essence, the action of March seriously reduced the number of expostos kept at the public's expense beyond twelve months.
Fate of Expostos after age Seven. While studies have documented characteristics of abandoned children as infants and of wet nurses, few studies to date have attempted to document the fate of abandoned children through the life course see however Fuchs The fate of those who survived is an important area for research if the material is available to study the problem. Our own work on this problem is very preliminary, and in this section we would simply like to outline some of the sources that can be used, at least in the Portuguese context, and some of the questions that might be asked in such a study.
As the regulations outlined earlier indicate, children abandoned at birth remained under the jurisdiction of the State well beyond infancy. Many of the children recorded on the exposto records that we examined who reached age seven apparently remained in the care of their ama indicated on the register by the phrase "ficou com a ama". Whether any subsidy continued is unclear. It is likely that the services of these children could be used in exchange for a commitment to care for them. We were able to analyze a register begun in of children over age seven who were still under State care.
Seventy-seven children were entered onto the register in January of that year, and the rest during the course of the year. Forty-nine of these children were boys and thirty-five were girls. At the time of registering, 26 percent were seven years old, 19 percent were eight, 19 percent were nine, 11 percent were ten, 15 percent were eleven, and 6 percent were twelve The remaining three children were thirteen, fifteen, and eighteen, and two of these had some physical deformity.
Five percent of the children were taken off the rolls at the age of thirteen, among them one who was reclaimed; 18 percent of these children were taken off the rolls at age fourteen; 12 percent were removed at fifteen; 5 percent were removed at sixteen; 17 percent were removed at seventeen; and 24 percent were removed at eighteen. Of the eleven children who were removed from the rolls at age twelve or under, three were reclaimed by their mothers, four - two boys and two girls - were sent into service, one was "adopted", one died, one went to Brazil, and the fate of one was not recorded.
Finally, the six who remained on the rolls into their twenties and thirties were all invalids of some sort Among those who were taken off the rolls between the ages of thirteen and eighteen, three died before age 18, two were reclaimed by their mother, one remained with the foster mother at her expense, one went to a school for sailors, one into the infantry, and nine were employed as apprentices, in commerce, or in agricultural or domestic service. In the remaining fifty cases, the reason for removal was not given, but we can assume, especially among those children who left at seventeen or eighteen, that they had found some kind of self-sufficient employment and were no longer in need of public support or supervision.
In the cases of children who were 'adopted' perusal of legal documents will be necessary to fully understand the conditions of this process , the 'adopting' parent had to promise to "feed, clothe, and educate the child without subsidy as if he or she were their own". In only two cases were men listed as the foster parent - both married peasants lavradores who probably took these young boys to help them on their farms. The rest were cared for by foster mothers. The age distribution and marital status of these foster mothers is given on Table 4.
Single and married women seemed to have participated.
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Foster motherhood began after age thirty and was extended until late in the life cycle. In the case of some single women, they may have been retrieving an illegitimate child born when they were in their twenties. Slightly more than one-third of these women were residents of the city of Viana do Castelo and almost all of them were listed as domestics and married. We take this as an indication of middle class status. Conversely, two-thirds of these foster mothers were of rural origin and the majority were of lower class status, working primarily as day laborers.
The bulk of these day laborers were single. Rural women listed as either domestics or lavradeiras, that is of a slightly better social position, also served as foster mothers though to a lesser degree. These women were primarily married or widowed. A number of issues that will merit further investigation emerge from this analysis.
First, foster motherhood or 'dry nursing' appears to have been a viable income-producing activity for solitaries - single or widowed women who were living alone. It may have helped to sustain a portion of the population who faced a life of spinsterhood because of the generally unfavorable marriage market for women in nineteenth century northern Portugal Brettell , Second, foster children provided supplementary labor for married couples and widows, a fact that may explain the small proportion of either domestic or agricultural servants that are recorded on household lists for this region Although less systematic, some substantiation of these ideas can be derived from the examination of a range of other sources that contain information on the fate of children abandoned at the foundling wheel who survived to adolescence and adulthood.
One of us Brettell has carried out a local study of a parish in the district of Viana do Castelo. In the church records and other historical documents pertaining to this parish, expostos are occasionally mentioned. Although we have not yet had the opportunity to make an 'adoptive' link in connection with this exposta, it seems reasonable to argue that the exposta Rosa Maria was viewed and treated as a natural child by this childless couple the pseudo-kinship link reinforced by marriage with a legitimate nephew and that her own children were viewed as legitimate grandchildren would be.
If this is true, then the purposes of the program described by Vaz The rodas aim to give to these beings, isolated in the world, not only a second mother, but also brothers and sisters, an adoptive father, a farm, a paternal homestead, in short, that which the misfortune of his birth deprived him.
This is what happens especially in the village: Since his mouth could pronounce a few words, he became accustomed to saying, our house, our field, our hens. In a region where age at marriage was late and where it was not uncommon to find childless couples, the distribution of children abandoned at the foundling wheel through a program of organized fosterage filled a definite void. She designated her immediately elder sister Ana as her universal heir. In the process of naming other siblings, nieces, and nephews as recipients of certain sums of money she also mentioned a certain Margarida Exposta, an orphan living with her.
To Margarida she left In addition, she left her sister and heir This case suggests that single women, whether as a wet nurse or a dry nurse, who accepted an exposto into their home also may have treated them as their own children. They had someone to keep them company and care for them and in return bestowed a legacy upon them at their death. In a society where rates of permanent female celibacy were extremely high, the links established between spinsters and expostos could have been very important. The marriage records tend to indicate that some of these children grew up in the villages and were integrated as full-fledged members of the community, as were their children.
They married and raised their own families there. They appear, however, to have been generally confined to the lower social groups of local village social structure.
Expostos were included on these lists. In the list for , one three-generation household headed by a widow contained two expostos, a young woman of 20 and a young man of Another three-generation household included three expostos of undetermined age, two young men and a young woman.
In a third three-generation household, a female exposto and two servants were listed as members. These expostos probably worked as domestic or agricultural servants, and some had great longevity in particular households. Their labor input may have been crucial at a certain stage of the life-cycle of the household. It is interesting that a labeling distinction between exposto and servant is maintained.
However, this may not always have been the case. As has been demonstrated, single women were also likely to take in expostos. The Matricula das Amas indicates that Rosa, a jornaleira, took Paulo in when she was forty-three and he was nine. She was paid to keep him until he was fourteen, but at sixteen he was still listed as a resident of her household.